Furthermore, this essay tries to imagine salient possibilities for re-education in policing methods within communities of color. I am numb, but in truth not surprised. The television blares incessantly. Pontificating reporters, legal experts, and city officials all give a blurry of statements.
Crime, Race and the Perils of Profiling Posted on September 7, When it comes to rationalizing the mistreatment of people of color, there are few who manage to do it better, or more consistently, than syndicated columnist Mona Charen. After all, Diallo was a black man in a dangerous neighborhood, and given generally higher black crime rates, police are Killing of amadou diallo essay afraid of black people.
The mistreatment is justified. Now, true to form, dear Ms. Charen has returned to the well of white denial and rationalization, with her most recent column September 5,in which she attacks the New York Times for its supposedly biased coverage of a pending lawsuit against the NYPD.
The lawsuit, filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights, alleges a pattern of racial profiling in citywide stop-and-frisk policies, and recently a judge ruled that the suit had sufficient merit to go forward, despite attempts by the city to have it dismissed.
Apparently by reporting that fact — even though the Times included statements from police officials responding to the allegations of profiling — the paper is somehow guilty of liberal bias. After all, according to Charen, given the much higher rates of criminal violence among blacks and Latinos in New York City, it only makes sense that police would stop and search a disproportionate number and percentage of them, relative to whites.
Although I have previously written several essays about the fundamental illogic of the right-wing position on racial profiling — and although law professor David A. Harris has thoroughly eviscerated every attempt to justify the practice in his meticulously researched book on the subject — the regularity with which such pedantic rationalizations for racial bias bubble up requires that I do it again, if for no other reason than to demonstrate the utter anti-logic of conservative thinking on this subject, and their basic inability to interpret data.
And, to be perfectly frank, because making Mona Charen look foolish, though painfully easy to do, is fun. Beginning in the s, under the Mayoral Administration of Rudy Giuliani, the NYPD adopted a number of new policing strategies intended to address the problem of crime.
Although crime certainly dropped in New York City following the adoption of these strategies, it also fell nationwide, including in many large cities that did not deploy such strategies, making it difficult to claim that the new methods per se had been the cause of the crime drops in New York.
Additionally, the NYPD began widespread stop-and-frisk operations at this time, so that whenever officers felt they had reasonable justification to suspect someone of criminal wrongdoing, they would stop and question them.
Then, if these interactions led to further suspicion, they would frisk the presumed perp for illegal contraband such as weapons or drugs. Byeven though the crime rate had dropped substantially in the intervening years, the numbers of stops had exploded to overLast year, they toppedAnd consistently, since the beginning, about 85 percent of persons stopped by police and searched, have been black or Latino.
Obviously, the population percentages of various racial groups are not the only factor that would logically be relevant to a law enforcement practice, since law enforcement is supposed to aim its efforts at lawbreakers, not random people.
As such, the right is correct when they note that the relevant demographic information is not the percentage of whites, blacks or Latinos in a given community, but rather, the percentage of crime in a given area being committed by whites, blacks or Latinos.
As for crime in New York, there is no argument that the rates of violent criminal wrongdoing in the city are much higher among blacks and Latinos than among whites. According to data from the NYPD forvictims of violent crime who report their victimization to police, overwhelmingly indicate that their attackers were black or Latino.
So, for instance, according to victim and witness reports, Meanwhile, only about 5 percent or so of violent crime perps, according to that same data, are white as opposed to about 35 percent of the population of the city. Indeed, to the extent such practices might remove dangerous criminals from the streets, it could even be seen as a pro-black and brown folks policy, ultimately helping the very communities hardest hit by crime.
Despite the seeming logic of such a claim, given the raw data, there are a number of problems with the quick jump to this conclusion so readily and happily made by Charen, MacDonald, and other defenders of the NYPD. These flaws have been meticulously demonstrated by scholarly research on the subject, going back over a decade, and most recently by Jeffrey Fagan, a Professor of Law and Public Health at Columbia University, in his expert reportprepared for the court in the current and pending case.
Fromout of 2. When it comes to finding guns, drugs or stolen property — among the principal goals that defenders of the practice cite as justification for it — the stops are even more inadequate, with guns being found in only 0.
In the heavily-policed Brownsville community of Brooklyn, arrests occur in fewer than 1 percent of all stops made, and out of 50, stops in the community just sinceonly 25 guns have been recovered: In those cases, which represent roughly half of all stops made, the hit rates are even worse than in the larger sample.
In other words, as a crime-control tactic, stop-and-frisk is inefficient at best, downright irrational at worst. Officers are apparently suspecting people of criminal activity on the basis of clues and signals that are proving to be ill-informed. Yet rather than rethink their assumptions, they continue to use the same reasons for their racially-disparate stops year after year.
Interestingly, the racial disparities are even harder to explain when you consider what Fagan and a colleague discovered even as far back as the s ; namely, that as bad as the hit rates were overall for stops-and-frisks, they were actually far lower for persons of color.
When searched, blacks and Latinos historically have been about a third less likely than their white counterparts to actually be found with illegal contraband or other evidence of criminal activity.
Although the disparities in hit rates have been reduced since the s, blacks stopped and searched are still nearly 10 percent less likely than their white counterparts to receive some kind of sanction either arrest or a court summons after being stopped by the NYPD.Amadou Diallo was a black man in a primarily black neighborhood who saw four guys in the middle of the night and perhaps he thought these four undercover police were somehow looking for trouble.
[tags: essays research papers]. When it comes to rationalizing the mistreatment of people of color, there are few who manage to do it better, or more consistently, than syndicated columnist Mona Charen. So, for instance, when officers from the NYPD’s Street Crimes Unit were acquitted of any wrongdoing after killing Amadou Diallo.
Feb 26, · Saikou Diallo, Amadou's father, said he was disappointed with the verdict, which he called ''the second killing'' of his son. At City Hall, Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani expressed sympathy for .
Jul 18, · Amadou Diallo Demonstrators join a rally in New York to protest the police officers’ acquittal. On Feb.
4, , four NYPD officers in the Bronx fired 41 shots at a year-old immigrant from. Need writing essay about murder of amadou diallo? Order your non-plagiarized essay and have "A+" grades or get access to database of murder of amadou diallo essays .
There are elements in the Dorismond shooting that are reminiscent of the killing of Amadou Diallo in February Dorismond too was an entirely innocent victim of an aggressive police operation.